IRAN LESSON KEY FOR NORTH KOREA.
(CNN)Thirteen
years ago, North Korea announced its withdrawal from the global nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Up until last week, it had since
conducted three underground nuclear test blasts, despite strict
international sanctions aimed at its nuclear program and almost
universal condemnation of each test.
But on Wednesday, it made its most dramatic claim yet -- that it had tested a hydrogen bomb. And regardless of whether it was truly an H-bomb (and there is considerable skepticism over whether it was) decision makers cannot relax -- there are still serious long-term implications to what took place this week.
As
with all new nuclear weapons possessors, North Korea first developed
fission bombs, which are based on the process of heavy nuclei (such as
uranium and plutonium) splitting into fragments, releasing large amounts
of energy. Fission explosions were the basis of the bombs dropped in
1945 on Hiroshima (a uranium bomb) and Nagasaki (a plutonium bomb).
Hydrogen
bombs, also known as thermonuclear weapons, work in two stages: the
first detonates a fission bomb to produce energy in sufficient
quantities that, when it is then focused on light nuclei, a plasma is
created that enables fusion reactions to take place. Hydrogen bombs
therefore create far larger explosions than fission bombs.
With
this in mind, there is doubt that the device that North Korea tested on
January 6, which had a yield of about 6 kilotons -- similar, although
perhaps a little higher than previous devices -- was really a hydrogen
bomb. But even if North Korea has not yet developed a true hydrogen
bomb, it seems plausible that the country has developed what is often
referred to as a "boosted fission" weapon, or even an old type of design
called a single-stage fission-fusion bomb, both of which can produce a
larger yield than traditional fission weapons.
If this is the case, it should be of grave concern to the international community.
The
key question is not whether North Korea's technical acumen has advanced
to the stage of developing a two-stage thermonuclear bomb, but whether
it is capable of creating a nuclear warhead that could be delivered by
ballistic missile. If North Korea has developed a boosted fission
weapon, this could facilitate progress towards lighter, smaller bombs
that could fit on top of a long range missile while still retaining the
power to destroy a major city in South Korea, Japan or even, eventually,
the United States.
How should the international community respond to this development?
It
is certainly time for a new approach and some vigorous action. The
parallel process of implementing strict sanctions while sporadically
negotiating through the Six Party Talks framework has had little or no
impact on North Korea's nuclear program. But this does not mean that
failure is inevitable. One need only look at the case of Iran. Until the
EU E3+3 process, there seemed to be little hope for halting the
country's nuclear program, something that has now been achieved through
the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.
Still, the Iran deal could not have been achieved without a number of key features.
First,
it required a number of serious so-called Track II processes, which
included academic and international NGOs sustaining back channel talks
with Iranian counterparts to discuss the possible elements of proposals.
Second, the sustained role of both the European Union and the United
Nations was critical in creating political legitimacy for a deal. Third,
it required time to establish confidence building measures --
especially in Iran and the United States -- and a focus mainly on the
technical aspects rather than the political differences to ease this
process. And finally, the Iran deal required a commitment to find
agreement between Russia and the United States on the ways forward, even
when they did not always fully agree, and when other international
crises were creating strains in the relationship.
There
are, of course, major differences between Iran and North Korea, not
least of which is that Iran had only a potential nuclear weapons
program, and had not yet developed nuclear weapons. Yet this simply
underscores the urgency in finding a way to resolve the situation with
North Korea, a situation that is far more dangerous.
Ultimately,
the Iran deal is an example of the progress that can be achieved when
the key international actors put aside other differences to place
nuclear non-proliferation and international security as a top priority.
In a recent statement, Japan, South Korea and the United States agreed
they would work unilaterally if necessary, but it would be far better if
the U.N. Security Council was able to forge a united response in which
Russia and China would play major roles.
The
Iran deal was significant breakthrough. And we will need exactly the
sort of resolve required to achieve it to address the North Korean
nuclear challenge if we are to prevent a future nuclear catastrophe.
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